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Scottish National Party
The Scottish National Party (SNP) (; ) is a centre-left nationalist political party committed to Scottish independence.[1] Its stated aim is "to create a just, caring and enterprising society by releasing Scotland's full potential as an independent nation in the mainstream of modern Europe." The SNP was founded in 1934, and has had continuous parliamentary representation since Winnie Ewing's groundbreaking victory at the 1967 Hamilton by-election.[2] With sporadic gains since, the SNP has tended to fare poorly in United Kingdom general elections and currently holds 7 of 59 Scottish seats in the UK Parliament. In the last few decades of devolution, the party has normally polled the second highest number of votes for a political party in Scotland. This changed in 2007 when the SNP ended 50 years of Labour dominance in the country by winning 47 of the 129 seats in the third Scottish Parliamentary election. As a result of becoming the largest party in the Scottish Parliament[3] the SNP sought to form a coaliton government, after talks broke down with the other parties they formed a minority Administration. The first SNP administration has been noted for its relative stability compared to previous coalition administrations, due to only having two reshuffles within three years (the second of which was very minor - akin to musical chairs). The previous administrations had very frequent reshuffles, with very few members staying throughout the eight year rule of the Liberal-Labour Coalition of 1999-2007. At the 2007 Local Elections, the SNP won 363 council seats of 1,224 (doubling its 2003 total of 181 councillors), making them the largest group in Scottish local government and helping form in coalition 12 out of 32 local administrations. The next council elections will be in 2012, due to legislative action taken by the SNP in the Scottish Parliament to divide the dates of the Holyrood and Local Elections into 2011 and 2012 respectively - on the advice of the Gould Report. At the 2009 European Parliament election the party topped the poll for the first time in a European Parliament election since 1979, with almost 100,000 more votes than the Scottish Labour Party. The party holds 2 of 6 Scottish seats in the European Parliament, narrowly failing to win a Third seat by less than 1%. HistoryThe SNP was formed in 1934 from the merger of the National Party of Scotland and the Scottish Party. Professor Douglas Young, who was the leader of the Scottish National Party from 1942 to 1945 fought for the Scottish people to refuse conscription and his activities were popularly vilified as undermining the British war effort against the Nazis. Young was imprisoned for refusing to be conscripted. The SNP first won a parliamentary seat at the Motherwell by-election in 1945, but Dr Robert McIntyre MP lost the seat at the general election three months later. They next won a seat in 1967, when Winnie Ewing was the surprise winner of a by-election in the previously safe Labour seat of Hamilton. This brought the SNP to national prominence, leading to the establishment of the Kilbrandon Commission. The high point in UK General Elections thus far was when the SNP polled almost a third of all votes in Scotland at the October 1974 general election and returned 11 MPs to Westminster, to date the most MPs it has had. The SNP's nationalism is left wing, not right wing, a trait which it shares with other Celtic Nationalist parties such as Plaid Cymru and Sinn Fein. Scholars of nationalism, like Eric Hobsbawm, cite Scottish nationalism as being unique in its character by not conforming to the general characteristics that tend to define the phenomenon.[4] Party leaders
Parliamentary leaders
Party organisationThe SNP consists of local branches of party members. Those branches then form an association in the constituency they represent (unless there is only one branch in the constituency, in which case it forms a constituency branch rather than a constituency association). There are also eight regional associations, to which the branches and constituency associations can send delegates. The SNP's policy structure is developed at its annual national conference and its regular national council meetings. There are also regular meetings of its national assembly, at which detailed discussion (but not finalising) of party policy takes place. The party has an active youth wing as well as a student wing. There is also an SNP Trade Union Group. There is an independently-owned monthly newspaper, The Scots Independent, which is highly supportive of the party. The SNP's leadership is vested in its National Executive Committee (NEC) which is made up of the party's elected office bearers and six elected members (voted for at conference). The SNP parliamentarians (Scottish, Westminster and European) and councillors have representation on the NEC, as do the Trade Union Group, the youth wing and the student wing. According to accounts filed with the Electoral Commission for the year ending 2008, the party had a membership of 15,097 in 2008, up from 9,450 in 2003.[5] In 2004 the party had income of approximately £1,300,000 (including bequests of just under £300,000) and expenditure of about £1,000,000. Policy platformThe SNP's policy base is, by and large, in the mainstream European social democratic mould. For example, among its policies are a commitment to unilateral nuclear disarmament, progressive personal taxation and the eradication of poverty, free state education including support grants for higher education students and a pay increase for nurses. It is also committed to an independent Scotland being a full member state of the European Union, to the country joining the single European currency at the appropriate exchange rate and is against membership of NATO (however this remains controversial). Contrary to the expectations of many outside the party, the SNP is not expressly republican, and its general view is that this is an issue secondary to that of Scottish independence. Many SNP members are republicans, however, and both the party student and youth wings are expressly so. The SNP is committed to an independent Scotland within the Commonwealth of Nations. In August 2009 as part of its third legislative term in the Scottish Parliament, the Government proposes to debate the Scottish referendum bill 2010, which would set out a planned referendum for 30th [6] November 2010 on the issue of Scottish independence. It was not however expected to pass, due to opposition from all the major opposition parties in the Parliament.[7][8] Party ideologyAlthough it is has a representative majority of the moderate left-of-centre politicians, this has not always been the case. Almost from the party's foundation there have been internal ideological tensions. This was largely a product of the way in which the left-of-centre National Party of Scotland amalgamated with the right-of-centre Scottish Party. Nowadays, ideological tensions within the SNP have been partially resolved. However, by the 1960s, the party was starting to become defined ideologically. It had by then established a National Assembly which allowed for discussion of policy and was producing papers on a host of policy issues that could be described as social democratic. Also, the emergence of William Wolfe (universally known as Billy) as a leading figure played a huge role in the SNP defining itself as a left-of-centre social-democratic party. He recognised the need to do this to challenge the dominant political position of the Scottish Labour Party. He achieved this in a number of ways: establishing the SNP Trade Union Group; promoting left-of-centre policies; and identifying the SNP with labour campaigns (such as the Upper-Clyde Shipbuilders Work-in and the attempt of the workers at the Scottish Daily Express to run as a cooperative). It was during Wolfe's period as SNP leader in the 1970s that the SNP became clearly identified as a social-democratic political party. There were some ideological tensions in the 1970s SNP. The party leadership under Wolfe was determined to stay on the left of the Scottish political spectrum and be in a position to challenge Labour. However, the party's MPs, mostly representing seats won from the Conservatives, were less keen to have the SNP viewed as a left-of-centre alternative to Labour, for fear of losing their seats back to the Conservatives. There were further ideological and internal struggles after 1979 with the 79 Group attempting to move the SNP further to the left, away from being what could be described a 'social-democratic' party, to an expressly 'socialist' party. 79 Group members including current leader, Alex Salmond, were expelled from the party. This produced a response in the shape of the Campaign for Nationalism in Scotland from those who wanted the SNP to remain a 'broad church', apart from arguments of left vs. right. The 1980s saw the SNP further define itself as a party of the left, for example running campaigns against the poll tax. It developed this platform to the stage it is at now: a clear, moderate, centre-left political party. This has itself not gone without internal criticism from the left of the party who believe that in modern years the party has become too moderate. The ideological tensions inside the SNP are further complicated by the arguments between gradualists and fundamentalists. In essence, gradualists seek to advance Scotland to independence through further devolution, in a 'step-by-step' strategy. They tend to be in the moderate -left grouping, although much of the 79 Group was gradualist in approach. However, this 79 Group gradualism was as much a reaction against the fundamentalists of the day, many of whom believed the SNP should not take a clear left or right position. The position of fundamentalists within the SNP is further complicated by the fact that modern fundamentalists are unlike the old-style. They tend to be on the left of the party, critical of both the gradualist approach to independence and what they perceive as a moderation of the party's socio-economic policy portfolio. This grouping of "neo-fundamentalists" have their roots within the camp of the former high-profile Labour Party MP Jim Sillars who left Labour to form the short-lived Scottish Labour Party in the 1970s (it had no connection with the UK Labour Party or the current Scottish Labour group in the Scottish Parliament). Sillars eventually joined the SNP, winning the Govan, Glasgow, by-election in 1988 to become an SNP MP. He lost the Westminster seat at the 1992 general election and expressed his disappointment by calling the Scottish people 'Ninety minute patriots'. European Free AllianceThe SNP retains close links with Plaid Cymru and MPs of both parties co-operate closely with each other. They work as a single group within the House of Commons, and were involved in joint campaigning during the 2005 General Election campaign. Both are in the European Free Alliance (EFA), which works with the European Green Party to form a grouping in the European Parliament: the Greens - European Free Alliance. Although there is no coalition in the Scottish Parliament (the SNP having run a minority government since May 2007) the Scottish Greens supported the appointment of the government under an agreement which also specified areas of common policy and gave the Greens input to the budget process and convenorship of the parliamentary committee on transport, infrastructure and climate change. Ministers and spokespeople
Elected representatives (current)Members of the Scottish ParliamentMembers of Parliament
Members of the European Parliament
CouncillorsThe SNP has more than 360 councillors from the Scottish local elections, 2007 in Local Government 2010 Westminster candidatesThe SNP has set itself a target of 20 Westminster seats for the next 2010 United Kingdom general election. There are in total 59 Scottish constituencies of the House of Commons of the UK Parliament - 19 Burgh constituencies and 40 County constituencies. The party has stated its preference was for a hung parliament result, where a significant SNP presence would hold heavy sway of decisions affecting Scotland.[9] The SNP launched their General Election Campaign on 6 March 2010.[10] Electoral performance
CriticismAccusations of anglophobiaThe SNP have been charged with being "Anglophobic". In 2000, the Labour party said that two SNP members of the Scottish Parliament were anti-English after they "registered their support for Germany's (2006 Football World Cup) bid on its official website".[13] The SNP responded that they "have no position on where the World Cup is held" and that it was "silly to describe the website entry as anti-English".[13] In 1999, the comedian Billy Connolly, a staunch Labour Party supporter, was quoted as saying, "the Scottish Parliament is a joke"; he also claimed that "this new racism in Scotland, this anti-Englishness" was "entirely their [the SNP's] fault".[14] The SNP responded that Scots "are enthusiastic about the parliament and will dismiss his absurd remarks about the SNP for the nonsense they are."[14] The SNP has fielded English and English-born candidates, such as Mike Russell. Prominent figures in Scottish politics such as Labour's George Foulkes, Baron Foulkes of Cumnock and the Liberal Democrats' Jamie Stone (and subsequently Danny Alexander) have publicly apologised for calling the SNP "xenophobic".[15] SNP MSP Ian McKee has by contrast pointed out his own status in the Scottish Parliament chamber as an Englishman[16] as evidence of there being no such anti-English feeling. Indeed, McKee is one of six English SNP MSPs, along with other prominent figures such as Christine Grahame and Cabinet Secretary for Education and Lifelong Learning Mike Russell. Accusations of 'cash for policies'The party has been criticised over a £500,000 donation from the transport businessman Brian Souter. One month later, in April 2007, the SNP's commitment (made at the party's 2006 conference) to re-regulate the bus network was not included in their 2007 manifesto, although the SNP denies any direct link.[17]. Opposition politicians suggested that the donation and policy shift were linked and that it was a case of "cash for policies".[18] Brian Souter went on to make a further donation of £125,000 to the SNP, making him their single biggest donor[19]. Souter made approaches to the SNP government for a £3 million subsidy for his company, Stagecoach, to develop a hovercraft service between Kirkcaldy and Portobello in Scotland[20]. The service had already received subsidy from the previous Labour administration for the pilot scheme, but was put on hold pending "clarification" of the public sector's involvement[21]. George Foulkes raised a motion in parliment accusing the SNP of having a "Dosh for dinners" policy after a number of SNP backers were dined at taxpayer expense[22] Nicola Sturgeon has also faced criticism for writing a letter to help a previously convicted fraudster avoid a jail sentence by asking the court to look for an alternative to prison. [23] See also
References
Further reading
External links
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