In New Zealand society, iwi () form the largest everyday social units in M?ori populations. The word iwi means "people" or "folk"; in many contexts it might translate as "tribe" or as "clan", with the distinction that it may sometimes refer to a larger grouping of tribes. Anthropological research however, tends to indicate that most M?ori in pre-European times gave their primary allegiance to relatively small groups such as wh?nau (extended families) or hap? (sub-tribes).

Bones or roots

In the M?ori language, iwi also means "bones". The M?ori author, Keri Hulme, named her best-known (1985 Booker Prize) novel The Bone People, a title linked directly to the dual meaning of bone and "tribal people". M?ori may refer to returning home after travelling or living elsewhere as "going back to the bones" ? literally to the burial-areas of the ancestors. Many societies might use the analogous concept of "roots".

Hierarchies of structures

Iwi groups trace their ancestry to the original M?ori settlers who, according to tradition, arrived from Hawaiki. In turn, one can conceptualise some iwi as clustering into even larger groupings based on genealogical tradition, known as waka (literally: "canoes", with reference to the original migration voyages), but these super-groupings generally serve symbolic rather than practical functions. Each iwi sub-divides into a number of hap? ("sub-tribes"). For example, the Ng?ti Wh?tua iwi consists of four hap?: Te Uri-o-Hau, Te Roroa, Te Taou, and Ng?ti Wh?tua ki ?r?kei.

Perceived problems with identification

In modern-day New Zealand, iwi groups may exercise significant political power in the recovery and management of land and of other assets. (Note for example the 1997 settlement between the New Zealand Government and Ng?i Tahu, compensating that iwi for various losses of the rights guaranteed under the Treaty of Waitangi of 1840.) Iwi affairs can have a very real impact on New Zealand politics and society. A current claim by some iwi that they own the seabed and foreshore in their areas has polarised public opinion (see New Zealand foreshore and seabed controversy).

However, increasing urbanisation of M?ori has led to a situation where a significant percentage do not identify with an iwi. The following extract from a recent High Court of New Zealand judgment (discussing the process of settling fishing-rights) illustrates some of the issues:

... 81 percent of M?ori now live in urban areas, at least one-third live outside their tribal influence, more than one-quarter do not know their iwi or for some reason do not choose to affiliate with it, at least 70 percent live outside the traditional tribal territory and these will have difficulties, which in many cases will be severe, in both relating to their tribal heritage and in accessing benefits from the settlement. It is also said that many M?ori reject tribal affiliation because of a working class unemployed attitude, defiance and frustration. Related but less important factors, are that a hapu may belong to more than one iwi, a particular hapu may have belonged to different iwi at different times, the tension caused by the social and economic power moving from the iwi down rather than from the hapu up, and the fact that many iwi do not recognise spouses and adoptees who do not have kinship links.

In the 2001 census, 32.6 percent of the 604,110 people who claimed M?ori ancestry did not state their iwi, or only stated a general geographical region or merely gave a canoe-name. It seems that the number who "don?t know" has remained relatively constant over the last three censuses, despite measures such as the "Iwi Helpline".

Challenge from urban M?ori

In recent years, "urban M?ori" have challenged the established tribal (iwi-based) power-base. Urban M?ori form groups of people that, while unashamedly M?ori, either choose not to identify with any particular iwi, or are unable to do so (possibly because they do not know their ancestral iwi). Individual M?ori persons or groups may decide to support non-tribal structures because (for example) they believe the existing iwi do not give significant value to them, or that they believe that iwi cannot understand their point-of-view.

Urban M?ori, typically urban bred, may identify with European culture to a much larger degree than rural M?ori, and often feel that a non-iwi group may best represent their needs. It remains unclear how the traditional iwi groups will respond to this phenomenon. (Thus far, some appear dismissive of these notions.) Notably, one such urban group established itself in the belief that urban M?ori do not get their fair share of "Treaty settlements" between the M?ori people and the New Zealand government.

Pan-tribalism

Some established pan-tribal organizations may also undercut the otherwise important iwi. The Ratana Church, for example. operates in may respects across iwi divisions, and the M?ori King Movement aims to transcend some iwi functions in a wider grouping.

Well-known iwi groups

Prominent iwi include:

• Ng?i Tahu or "K?i Tahu" (based in the south of New Zealand - most of the South Island.)
• Ng? Puhi (the largest iwi, with over 100,000 people stating their affiliation to it in the 2001 census; based in Northland)
• Ng?ti Kahungunu - Hawke's Bay and Wairarapa
• Ng?ti Maniapoto (based in the Waikato-Waitomo region)
• Ng?ti Porou - Gisborne-East Cape
• Ng?ti Tama (based in Taranaki and Wellington)
• Ng?ti Toa (based in Porirua, having migrated from Kawhia in the 1820s under the leadership of Te Rauparaha)
• Ng?ti Ruanui (based in the Taranaki region)
• Ng?ti Wh?tua (based in and north of Auckland - notably Bastion Point in Orakei)
• Tainui (based in the Waikato region)
• Te Arawa (Bay of Plenty) - with several subtribes
• Te ?tiawa - Taranaki and Lower Hutt
• T?hoe (Urewera/Whakatane)
• Ng?ti T?wharetoa (based in the central North Island)
• Whakatohea (based in the Opotiki district)

Note that each iwi has a generally recognised territory (rohe), but many of these overlap, sometimes completely. ^[1] This has added a layer of complication to the long-running discussions and court cases about how to resolve historical Treaty-claims. The length of coastline emerged as one factor in the final (2004) legislation to allocate fishing-rights in settlement of commercial fisheries claims.

Naming

Many names of iwi begin with Ng?ti (from ng? ?ti 'the offspring of'). Ngati has become a productive morpheme in New Zealand English to refer to groups of people: Ng?ti Skippy (Australian Maori), Ngati Pakeha (pakeha as a group), Ngati Cloggy (New Zealanders of Dutch descent).

See also

• List of M?ori iwi
• runanga

References

External links

• Map of tribal areas
• The home page of the Waikato tribe, one of the tribes of the Tainui waka
• Ng?i Tahu homepage
• Ngapuhi homepage
• Urban M?ori article in ''[[The New Zealand Herald]] (details on the creation and rationale for the National Urban M?ori Authority)
• ''Tribal organisation'' in Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand

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