Titus Flavius Domitianus (24 October 51 – 18 September 96), commonly known as Domitian, was a Roman Emperor who reigned from 14 September 81 until his death. Domitian was the last emperor of the Flavian dynasty, which ruled the Roman Empire between 69 and 96, encompassing the reigns of Domitian's father Vespasian (69–79), his elder brother Titus (79–81), and that of Domitian himself.

Domitian spent much of his youth and early career in the shadow of his brother Titus, who gained military renown during the First Jewish-Roman War. This situation continued under the rule of Vespasian, who became Emperor on 21 December 69, following a year of civil war known as the Year of the Four Emperors. While Titus effectually reigned as co-emperor with his father, Domitian was left with honours but no responsibilities. Vespasian died on 23 June 79 and was succeeded by Titus, whose own reign came to an unexpected end when he was struck by a fatal illness on 13 September 81. The following day Domitian was declared Emperor by the Praetorian Guard, commencing a reign which lasted more than fifteen years—longer than any man who had governed Rome since Tiberius.

Traditional views hold that Domitian was a cruel and paranoid tyrant. Among ancient authors, he ranks among the most reviled rulers in Roman history, earning comparison to such Emperors as Caligula and Nero. Many of these views were propagated by hostile contemporary authors, such as Tacitus, Pliny the Younger and Suetonius: a small but highly vocal minority who exaggerated Domitian's harshness in favour of the highly regarded Five Good Emperors who followed. Modern history has rejected these views, instead characterising Domitian as a ruthless but efficient autocrat, whose cultural, economic and political programme was a precursor to the peaceful 2nd century, rather than the twilight of the tumultuous 1st century. Upon his death, he was succeeded by his friend and advisor Nerva, thus commencing the long-lasting Nervan-Antonian dynasty.

Early life

Family

Flavian family tree, indicating the descendants of Titus Flavius Petro and Tertulla.

Decades of civil war during the 1st century BC had contributed greatly to the demise of the old aristocracy of Rome, which was gradually replaced in prominence by a new Italian nobility during the early part of the 1st century AD.^[2] One such family was the gens Flavia, which rose from relative obscurity to prominence in just four generations, acquiring wealth and status under the emperors of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. Domitian's great-grandfather, Titus Flavius Petro, had served as a centurion under Pompey during Caesar's civil war. His military career ended in disgrace when he fled the battlefield at the Battle of Pharsalus in 48 BC.^[1] Nevertheless, Petro managed to improve his status by marrying the extremely wealthy Tertulla, whose fortune guaranteed the upwards mobility of Petro's son Titus Flavius Sabinus I, Domitian's grandfather.^[3] Sabinus himself amassed further wealth and possible equestrian status through his services as tax collector in Asia and banker in Helvetia. By marrying Vespasia Polla he allied himself to the more prestigious patrician gens Vespasia, ensuring the elevation of his sons Titus Flavius Sabinus II and Vespasian to the senatorial rank.^[3]

The political career of Vespasian included the offices of quaestor, aedile and praetor, and culminated with a consulship in 51, the year Domitian was born. As a military commander, he gained early renown by participating in the Roman invasion of Britain in 43.^[4] Nevertheless, ancient sources allege poverty for the Flavian family at the time of Domitian's upbringing,^[5] even claiming Vespasian had fallen into disrepute under the emperors Caligula (37–41) and Nero (54–68).^[6] Modern history has refuted these claims, suggesting these stories were later circulated under Flavian rule as part of a propaganda campaign to diminish success under the less reputable Emperors of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, and maximize achievements under Claudius (41–54) and his son Britannicus.^[7] By all appearances, imperial favour for the Flavians was high throughout the 40s and 60s. While Titus received a court education in the company of Britannicus, Vespasian pursued a successful political and military career. Following a prolonged period of retirement during the 50s, he returned to public office in 63 under Nero, serving as proconsul of the Africa province, and accompanying the emperor during an official tour of Greece in 66.^[8] The same year the Jews of the Judaea province revolted and Nero appointed Vespasian to lead the Roman army in the war against the insurgents.^[9] In this campaign he was joined by Titus, who had completed his military education by this time and personally commanded one of Vespasian's three legions.^[10]

Youth and character

By 66, Domitian's mother and sister had long died, while his father and brother were continuously active in the Roman military, commanding armies in Germania and Judaea. For Domitian, this meant that a significant part of his adolescence was spent in the absence of his near relatives. During the Jewish-Roman wars, he was likely taken under the care of his uncle Titus Flavius Sabinus II, at the time serving as city prefect of Rome; or possibly even Marcus Cocceius Nerva, a loyal friend of the Flavians and the future successor to Domitian.^[9][11]

Vespasian, Pushkin Museum, Moscow.

Domitian was allegedly extremely sensitive regarding his baldness, which he disguised in later life by wearing wigs.^[17] According to Suetonius, he even wrote a book on the subject of hair care.^[18] With regard to Domitian's personality, however, the account of Suetonius alternates sharply between portraying Domitian as the emperor-tyrant, a man both physically and intellectually lazy, and the intelligent, refined personality drawn elsewhere.^[19] Brian Jones concludes in The Emperor Domitian that assessing the true nature of Domitian's personality is inherently complicated by the bias of the surviving sources.^[19] Common threads nonetheless emerge from the available evidence. He appears to have lacked the natural charisma of his brother and father. He was prone to suspicion, displayed an odd, sometimes self-deprecating sense of humour,^[20][21] and often communicated in cryptic ways. This ambiguity of character was further exacerbated by his remoteness, and as he grew older, he increasingly displayed a preference for solitude, which may have stemmed from his isolated upbringing.^[9] Indeed, by the age of eighteen nearly all of his closest relatives had died by war or disease. Having spent the greater part of his early life in the twilight of Nero's reign, his formative years would have been strongly influenced by the political turmoil of the 60s, culminating with the civil war of 69, which brought his family to power.

Rise of the Flavian dynasty

Year of the Four Emperors

Map of the Roman Empire during the Year of the Four Emperors (69 AD). Blue areas indicate provinces loyal to Vespasian and Gaius Licinius Mucianus.

Otho and Vitellius were only too aware of the threat posed by the Flavian faction. With four legions at his disposal, Vespasian commanded a strength of nearly 80,000 soldiers. His position in Judaea further granted him the advantage of being nearest to the vital province of Egypt, which controlled the grain supply to Rome. His brother Titus Flavius Sabinus II, as city prefect, commanded the entire city garrison of Rome.^[24] Tensions among the Flavian troops were high, but so long as Galba and Otho remained in power, Vespasian refused to take action. When Otho was defeated by Vitellius at the First Battle of Bedriacum however,^[25] the armies in Judaea and Ægyptus took matters into their own hands and declared Vespasian emperor on 1 July 69.^[26] Vespasian accepted, and through negotiations by Titus joined forces with Gaius Licinius Mucianus, governor of Syria.^[27] A strong force drawn from the Judean and Syrian legions marched on Rome under the command of Mucianus, while Vespasian himself travelled to Alexandria, leaving Titus in charge to end the Jewish rebellion.^[28][29]

Emperor Vitellius, Louvre, Paris.

Aftermath of the war

The Conspiracy of Gaius Julius Civilis (detail), by Rembrandt (1661). During the Batavian rebellion, Domitian eagerly sought the opportunity to attain military glory, but was denied command of a legion by superior officers.

Although the war had officially ended, a state of anarchy and lawlessness pervaded in the first days following the demise of Vitellius. Order was properly restored by Mucianus in early 70, but Vespasian did not return until September of that year.^[36] In the meantime Domitian acted as the representative of the Flavian family in the Roman Senate. In addition to receiving the title of Caesar, he was appointed praetor with consular power.^[39] Domitian's authority was nominal however, foreshadowing his role for at least ten more years. By all accounts, Mucianus held the real power in Vespasian's absence, and he was careful to ensure that Domitian, still only eighteen years old, did not overstep the boundaries of his function.^[39] Tacitus describes Domitian's first speech in the Senate as brief and measured, at the same time noting his ability to elude awkward questions.^[40] Strict control was also maintained over the young Caesar's entourage, promoting away influential generals such as Arrius Varus, Praetorian prefect, and Antonius Primus, who had led the Flavian forces at Bedriacum, and replacing them by more reliable men such as Arrecinus Clemens.^[39]

Domitian's military ambitions were equally curtailed by Mucianus. The civil war of 69 had severely destabilized the provinces leading to several local rebellions which continued throughout 70. In Gaul, Batavian auxiliaries of the Rhine legions, led by Gaius Julius Civilis, had revolted and had been joined by a faction of Treveri under the command of Julius Classicus. Seven legions were sent from Rome, led by Vespasian's brother-in-law Quintus Petillius Cerialis.^[15] Although the revolt was quickly suppressed, exaggerated reports of disaster prompted Mucianus to depart the capital with reinforcements of his own. Domitian eagerly sought the opportunity to attain military glory, and joined the other officers with the intention of commanding a legion of his own. According to Tacitus, Mucianus was not keen on this prospect, but he considered Domitian a liability in any capacity that was entrusted to him and therefore preferred to keep him close at hand rather than in Rome.^[41] When news arrived of Cerialis' victory over Civilis, Mucianus tactfully dissuaded Domitian from pursuing further military endeavours.^[42] Domitian then wrote to Cerialis personally, suggesting he hand over command of his army but, once again, he was snubbed.^[43] With the return of Vespasian in late September, his political role was rendered all but obsolete and Domitian withdrew from government and devoted his time to arts and literature.^[43]

Marriage

Where his political and military career had ended in disappointment, Domitian's private affairs were more successful in 70. Vespasian attempted to arrange a dynastic marriage between his youngest son and the daughter of Titus, Julia Flavia,^[44] but Domitian was adamant in his love for Domitia Longina, going so far as to persuade her husband, Lucius Aelius Lamia, to divorce her so that Domitian could marry her himself.^[44]

Domitia Longina, with Flavian hairstyle.

In 73, Domitia and Domitian's only attested son was born. It is not known what the boy's name was, but he died in infancy sometime between 77 and 81.^[46] Shortly following his accession as Emperor, Domitian bestowed the honorific title of Augusta upon Domitia, while their son was deified, appearing as such on the reverse of coin types from this period.^[47] Nevertheless, the marriage appears to have faced a significant crisis in 83. For reasons unknown, Domitian briefly exiled Domitia, and then soon recalled her, either out of love or amidst rumours he was carrying on a relationship with his niece Julia Flavia.^[48] Jones argues that most likely he did so for her failure to produce an heir.^[46]

By 84, Domitia had returned to the palace,^[49] where she lived for the remainder of Domitian's reign without incident.^[50] Little is known of Domitia's precise activities as Empress, or how much influence she wielded in Domitian's government, but it seems her role was limited. From Suetonius, we know that she at least accompanied the Emperor to the theatre, while the Jewish writer Josephus speaks of benefits he received from her.^[51] It is not known whether Domitian ever had other children, but he did not marry another woman during his lifetime. Despite allegations by Roman sources of adultery and divorce, the marriage appears to have been happy.^[52]

Ceremonial heir

The Triumph of Titus, by Sir Lawrence Alma-Tadema (1885), depicting the Flavian family during the triumphal procession of 71. Vespasian proceeds at the head of the family, dressed as pontifex maximus, followed by Domitian with Domitia Longina, and finally Titus, also dressed in religious regalia.

Prior to becoming Emperor, Domitian's role in the Flavian government was largely ceremonial. In June of 71, Titus returned triumphant from the war in Judaea. Ultimately, the rebellion had claimed the lives of over 1 million people, a majority of which were Jewish.^[53] The city and temple of Jerusalem were completely destroyed, its most valuable treasures carried off by the Roman army, and nearly 100,000 people were captured and enslaved.^[53] For his victory, the Senate awarded Titus a Roman triumph. On the day of the festivities, the Flavian family rode into the capital, preceded by a lavish parade which displayed the spoils of the war.^[54] The family procession was headed by Vespasian and Titus, while Domitian, riding a magnificent white horse, followed with the remaining Flavian relatives.^[55] Leaders of the Jewish resistance were executed in the Forum Romanum, after which the procession closed with religious sacrifices at the Temple of Jupiter.^[54] To further memorialize the successful end of the war, a triumphal arch—the Arch of Titus—was erected at the south-east entrance to the Forum.

Yet, the return of Titus further highlighted the comparative insignificance of Domitian, both military and political. As the eldest and most experienced of Vespasian's sons, Titus shared tribunician power with his father, received seven consulships, the censorship, and was given command over the Praetorian Guard;^[56] powers which left no doubt he was the designated heir to the Empire.^[57] As a second son, Domitian held honorary titles, such as Caesar or Princeps Iuventutis, and several priesthoods, including those of augur, pontifex, frater arvalis, magister frater arvalium, and sacerdos collegiorum omnium,^[58] but no office with imperium. He held only one ordinary consulship during Vespasian's reign, in 73, and five suffect consulships, in 71, 75, 76, 77 and 79 respectively, usually replacing his father or brother in mid-January. While merely ceremonial, these offices no doubt gained Domitian valuable experience in the Roman Senate, and may have contributed to his later reservations about its relevance.^[58] Under Vespasian and Titus, non-Flavians were virtually excluded from the important public offices. Mucianus himself all but disappeared from historical records during this time, and it is believed he died sometime between 75 and 77.^[59] Real power was unmistakenly concentrated into the hands of the Flavian faction; the Senate remained merely a facade of democracy.

Because Titus effectively acted as co-emperor to his father, no abrupt change in Flavian policy took place when Vespasian died on 23 June 79.^[60] Titus assured Domitian that full partnership in the government would soon be his, but neither tribunician power nor imperium of any kind was conferred upon him during his brief reign.^[61] Understandably, the new emperor was not hardpressed to alter this arrangement anytime soon: he would have expected to rule for at least another twenty or thirty years, and more urgent attention was required to the multitude of disasters which struck throughout 79 and 80. On 24 August 79, Mount Vesuvius erupted,^[62] burying the surrounding cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum under metres of ash and lava; the following year, a fire broke out in Rome, lasting three days, which destroyed a number of important public buildings.^[63] Consequently, Titus spent much of his reign coördinating relief efforts and restoring damaged property. On 13 September 81 however, after barely two years in office, he unexpectedly died of fever during a trip to the Sabine territories.^[64]

Ancient authors have implicated Domitian in the death of his brother, either by directly accusing him of murder,^[65] or implying he left the ailing Titus for dead,^[55][66] further alleging that even during his lifetime, Titus was openly plotted against by his brother.^[66] The factual veracity of these statements, especially given the bias of the surviving sources, is difficult to assess. Brotherly affection was likely at a minimum, but this was hardly surprising, considering Domitian had barely seen Titus after the age of seven.^[61] Whatever the nature of their relationship, Domitian seems to have displayed little concern when his brother lay dying, instead making for the Praetorian camp where he was proclaimed emperor. The following day, 14 September, the Senate confirmed Domitian's powers, granting tribunician power, the office of Pontifex Maximus, and the titles of Augustus, and Pater Patriae.

Emperor

Administration

As Emperor, Domitian quickly dispensed with the Republican facade his father and brother had maintained during their reign.^[67] By moving the centre of government more or less formally to the imperial court, Domitian openly rendered the Senate's powers obsolete. In his view, the Roman Empire was to be governed as a divine monarchy, with himself as the benevolent despot at its head.^[67] Much more than exercising political power however, Domitian believed the emperor's role enveloped every aspect of daily life, guiding the Roman people both as a cultural and moral authority.^[68] To usher in the new era of change, he embarked on several ambitious economic, military and cultural programmes, intended to restore the Empire to the glory it had once achieved under emperor Augustus.^[69]

Despite these grand designs however, Domitian was determined to govern the Empire conscientiously and scrupulously, to the extent that he became personally involved in all branches of the administration.^[70] Edicts were issued on the finest details of everyday life, while taxes, laws, and public morals were rigorously enforced. According to Suetonius, the imperial bureaucracy never ran more efficiently than under Domitian, whose exacting standards and suspicious nature maintained historically low corruption among provincial governors and elected officials.^[71] Although he made no pretence of the Senate's insignificance, those senators deemed unworthy to be placed on the Senate roll were expelled, while in the distribution of public offices he rarely favoured his own family members, a policy which stood in sharp contrast to the nepotism practiced by Vespasian and Titus.^[72] Above all however, Domitian valued loyalty and malleability in those he assigned to strategic posts, qualities he found more often in men of the equestrian order, than members of the Senate or his own family, who he regarded with suspicion, and promptly removed from office if they disagreed with imperial policy.^[73]

The reality of Domitian's autocracy was further highlighted by the fact that, more than any emperor since Tiberius, he spent significant periods of time away from the capital.^[74] Although the Senate's power had long deteriorated since the fall of the Republic, under Domitian the seat of power no longer even seemed to be at Rome, but effectually wherever the Emperor was.^[67] Until the completion of the Flavian Palace on the Palatine Hill, the imperial court was primarily situated at Alba or Circeo, and sometimes even farther afield. Domitian toured the European provinces extensively, and spent at least three years of his reign in Germania and Illyricum, conducting military campaigns on the frontiers of the Empire.^[75]

Economy

Domitian's tendency for micromanagement was nowhere more evident than in his financial policy. Although the question whether Domitian left the Roman Empire in debt or with a surplus at the time of his death has been fiercely debated, the evidence points to a relatively balanced economy for the larger part of Domitian's reign.^[76] Upon his accession, he revalued the Roman coinage to the standard of Augustus, increasing the silver content of the denarius by 12%. An imminent crisis in 85 however forced a devaluation to the Neronian standard of 65,^[77] but this was still higher than the level which Vespasian and Titus had maintained during their reign, and Domitian's rigorous taxation policy ensured that this standard was sustained for the following eleven years.^[77] Coin types from this era display a highly consistent degree of quality, including meticulous attention to Domitian's titulature, and exceptionally refined artwork on the reverse portraits.^[77]

Upon his accession, Domitian revalued the Roman currency by increasing the silver content of the denarius by 12%. This coin commemorates the deification of Domitian's infant son.

Jones estimates Domitian's annual income at more than 1,200 million sestertii, of which over one third would presumably have been spent at maintaining the Roman army.^[76] The other major area of expenditure encompassed the vast reconstruction programme carried out on the city of Rome itself. At the time the city was still suffering from the damage caused by the Great Fire of 64, the civil war of 69, and the fire of 79.^[78] Much more than a renovation project however, Domitian's building programme was intended to be the crowning achievement of an Empire wide cultural renaissance. Around fifty structures were erected, restored or completed, a number second only to the amount erected under Augustus.^[78] Among the most important new structures were an Odeum, a Stadium, and an expansive palace on the Palatine Hill—known as the Flavian Palace—which was designed by Domitian's master architect Rabirius.^[79] The most important building Domitian restored was the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill, which was said to have been covered with a gilded roof. Among those he completed were the Temple of Vespasian and Titus, the Arch of Titus, and the Colosseum, to which he added a fourth level and finished the interior seating area.^[80]

In order to appease the people of Rome, an estimated 135 million sestertii was spent on donatives, or congiaria, throughout Domitian's reign.^[81] The Emperor also revived the practice of public banquets, which had been reduced to a simple distribution of food under Nero, while he invested large sums on entertainment and games. In 86 he founded the Capitoline Games, a quadrennial contest comprising athletic displays, chariot races, and competitions for oratory, music and acting.^[82] Domitian himself supported the travels of competitors from the whole Empire and attributed the prizes. Innovations were also introduced into the regular gladiatorial games, such as naval contests, nighttime battles, and female and dwarf gladiator fights.^[83] To the chariot races finally, he added two new factions, Gold and Purple, besides the regular ones White, Red, Green and Blue.

Military activity

Reconstructed Roman watchtower along the Limes Germanicus. Domitian's most significant military contribution was the expansion of the border defences.

Domitian's administration of the Roman army was characterized by the same fastidious involvement he exhibited in other branches of the government. His competency as a military strategist was criticised by his contemporaries however.^[84] Although he claimed several triumphs, the most important of which against the Chatti, these were largely propaganda manoeuvres, since these wars were still being fought. Tacitus derided Domitian's achievements as "mock triumphs", further criticising his decision to retreat from Britain following the conquests of Agricola.^[87][88] Nevertheless, Domitian appears to have been highly popular amongst the soldiers, spending an estimated three years of his reign among the army on campaigns—more than any emperor since Augustus—and raising their pay by one third.^[89][85] While the army command may have disapproved of his tactical decisions, the loyalty of the common soldier was unquestioned.^[90]

Campaign against the Chatti

Once Emperor, Domitian immediately sought to attain his long delayed military glory. As early as 82, or possibly 83, he went to Gaul, ostensibly to conduct a census, and suddenly ordered an attack on the Chatti.^[91] For this purpose, a new legion was founded, Legio I Minervia, which constructed some 75 kilometres (46 mi) of roads through Chattan territory to uncover the enemy's hiding places.^[86] Although little information survives of actual battles fought, enough early victories were apparently achieved for Domitian to be back in Rome by the end of 83, where he celebrated an elaborate triumph and conferred upon himself the title of Germanicus.^[92] This supposed victory was much scorned by ancient authors, who described the campaign as "uncalled for",^[93] and a "mock triumph".^[87] Evidently, the Chatti were not conquered, as indicated by their role in Saturninus' revolt later in 89.^[85]

Conquest of Britain

One of the most detailed reports of military activity under the Flavian dynasty was written by Tacitus, whose biography of his father-in-law Gnaeus Julius Agricola largely concerns the conquest of Britain between 77 and 84.^[85] Agricola arrived c. 77 as governor of Roman Britain, immediately launching campaigns into Caledonia, or modern day Scotland.

A statue of Gnaeus Julius Agricola, at Bath.

In 85, he was recalled to Rome by Domitian, having served for more than six years as governor, longer than normal for consular legates during the Flavian era.^[95] Tacitus claims that Domitian ordered his recall because Agricola's successes outshone the Emperor's own modest victories in Germania.^[87] The relationship between Agricola and the Emperor is unclear: on the one hand, Agricola was awarded triumphal decorations and a statue, on the other, Agricola never again held a civil or military post, in spite of his experience and renown. He was offered the governorship of the province of Africa, but declined it, whether due to ill health or, as Tacitus claims, the machinations of Domitian.^[94] Not long after Agricola's recall from Britain, the Roman Empire entered war with the Kingdom of Dacia in the East. Soon reinforcements were needed, and in 87 or 88, Domitian ordered a massive retreat in the British province. The fortress at Inchtuthil was dismantled, and the Caledonian forts and watchtowers abandoned, moving the Roman frontier some 120 kilometres (75 mi) further south.^[97] The army command may have resented Domitian's decision for retreat, but to him, the Caledonian territories never represented anything but a loss.^[85]

Dacian wars

The most significant threat the Roman Empire faced during the reign of Domitian arose from the northern provinces of Illyricum, where the Suebi, the Sarmatians and the Dacians continuously harassed Roman settlements along the Danube river. Of these, the Sarmatians and the Dacians were the most formidable. Sometime around 84 or 85 the Dacians, led by King Decebalus, crossed the Danube into the province of Moesia, wreaking considerable havoc and killing the Moesian governor Oppius Sabinus.^[98] Domitian immediately launched a counteroffensive, personally travelling to the region accompanied by a large force commanded by his Praetorian prefect Cornelius Fuscus. Fuscus successfully drove the Dacians back across the border in mid-85, prompting Domitian to return to Rome and celebrate his second triumph.^[99] The victory proved to be short-lived however, as early in 86, Fuscus embarked on an ill-fated expedition into Dacia, which resulted in the complete destruction of the fifth legion, Legio V Alaudae, near Tapae. Fuscus was killed, and the battle standard of the Praetorian Guard lost.^[100]

Domitian returned to Moesia in August of 86. He divided the province into Lower Moesia and Upper Moesia, and transferred three additional legions to the Danube. In 87, the Romans invaded Dacia once more, this time under command of Tettius Julianus, and finally managed to defeat Decebalus late in 88, at the same site where Fuscus had previously perished.^[101] An attack on the Dacian capital Sarmizegetusa was forestalled however, when new troubles arose on the German frontier in 89. In order to avert having to conduct a war on two fronts, Domitian agreed to terms of peace with Decebalus, allowing free access of Roman troops through the Dacian region, while Decebalus himself was granted an annual subsidy of 8 million sesterces.^[74] Contemporary authors severely criticised this treaty, which was considered shameful to the Romans, and left the deaths of Sabinus and Fuscus unavenged.^[102] For the remainder of Domitian's reign Dacia remained a relatively peaceful client kingdom, but Decebalus used the Roman money to fortify his defences, and continued to defy Rome. It was not until the reign of Trajan, in 106, that a decisive victory against Decebalus was procured. Again, the Roman army sustained heavy losses, but Trajan succeeded in capturing Sarmizegetusa and, importantly, annexed the gold and silver mines of Dacia.^[103]

Religious policy

Domitian firmly believed in the traditional Roman religion, and personally saw to it that ancient customs and morals were observed throughout his reign. In order to justify the divine nature of the Flavian rule, Domitian emphasized connections with the chief deity Jupiter,^[68] perhaps most significantly through the impressive restoration of the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill. A small chapel dedicated to Jupiter Conservator was also constructed near the house where Domitian had fled to safety on 20 December, 69. Later in his reign, he replaced it with a more expansive building, dedicated to Jupiter Custos.^[104] The goddess he worshipped the most zealously however was Minerva.^[105] Not only did he keep a personal shrine dedicated to her in his bedroom, she regularly appeared on his coinage—in four different attested reverse types—and he founded a legion, Legio I Minervia, in her name.^[106]

Roman aureus minted under Domitian. The reverse depicts the Roman goddess Minerva, who was Domitian's favoured deity, and appeared on numerous coin types throughout his reign. This particular reverse depicts the goddess advancing with a javelin and a shield in hand.

Construction projects such as these constituted only the most visible part of Domitian's religious policy, which also concerned itself with the fulfilment of religious law and public morals. In 85, he nominated himself perpetual censor, the office which held the task of supervising Roman morals and conduct.^[108] Once again, Domitian acquitted himself of this task dutifully, and with care. He renewed the Lex Iulia de Adulteriis Coercendis, under which adultery was punishable by exile. From the list of jurors he struck an equestrian who had divorced his wife and taken her back, while an ex-quaestor was expelled from the Senate for acting and dancing.^[71] Domitian also heavily prosecuted corruption among public officials, removing jurors if they accepted bribes and rescinding legislation when a conflict of interest was suspected.^[71] He ensured that libellous writings, especially those directed against himself, were punishable by exile or death.^[70] Actors were likewise regarded with suspicion, as their performances provided an opportunity for satire at the expense of the government.^[109] Consequently, he forbade mimes from appearing on stage in public. In 87, Vestal Virgins were found to have broken their sacred vows of lifelong public chastity. As the Vestals were regarded as daughters of the community, this offence essentially constituted incest. Accordingly, those found guilty of any such transgression were condemned to death, either by a manner of their choosing, or according to the ancient fashion, which dictated that Vestals should be buried alive.^[110]

Foreign religions were tolerated in as much as they did not interfere with public order, or could be assimilated with traditional Roman religion. The worship of Egyptian deities in particular flourished under the Flavian dynasty, to an extent not seen again until the reign of Commodus. Veneration of Serapis and Isis, who were identified with Jupiter and Minerva respectively, was especially prominent.^[106] A tradition based upon 4th century writings by Eusebius of Caesarea maintains that Jews and Christians were heavily persecuted toward the end of Domitian's reign.^[111][112] The Book of Revelation is thought to have been written during this period, as a reaction against these persecutions.^[113] However no convincing evidence exists of any widespread religious oppression under Domitian.^[114][115] Although Jews were heavily taxed, no contemporary authors mention trials or executions based on religious offences other than those within the Roman religion.

Opposition

Revolt of Saturninus

Statue of Domitian as Emperor, Vatican Museums, Rome.

Lappius Maximus received the governorship to the province of Syria, a consulship in May of 95, and finally a priesthood which he still held by 102. Titus Flavius Norbanus may have been appointed to the prefecture of Egypt, but almost certainly became prefect of the Praetorian Guard by 94, with Titus Petronius Secundus as his colleague.^[117] Domitian opened the year following the revolt by sharing the consulship with Marcus Cocceius Nerva, suggesting the latter had played a part in uncovering the conspiracy, perhaps in a fashion similar as he did during the Pisonian conspiracy under Nero. Although little is known about the life and career of Nerva before his accession as Emperor in 96, he appears to have been a highly adaptable diplomat, surviving multiple regime changes and emerging as one of the Flavians' most trusted advisors.^[118] His consulship may therefore have been intended to emphasise the stability and status-quo of the regime.^[119] The revolt had been suppressed, and the Empire could return to order.

Relationship with the Senate

Since the fall of the Republic, the authority of the Roman Senate had largely eroded under the quasi-monarchical system of government established by Augustus, known as the Principate. The Principate allowed the existence of a de facto dictatorial regime, while maintaining the formal framework of the Roman Republic. Most Emperors upheld the public facade of democracy, and in return the Senate implicitly acknowledged the Emperor's status as a factual monarch. Some rulers handled this arrangement with less subtlety than others however, among them Domitian. From the outset of his reign, he stressed the reality of his autocracy.^[120] He disliked aristocrats and had no fear of showing it, withdrawing every decision-making power from the Senate, and instead relying on a small set of friends and equestrians to control the important offices of state.^[121] The dislike was mutual. After Domitian's assassination, the senators of Rome rushed to the Senate house, where they immediately passed a motion condemning his memory to oblivion.^[122] Under the rulers of the Nervan-Antonian dynasty, senatorial authors published histories which elaborated on the view of Domitian as a tyrant.^[120]

Nevertheless, the evidence suggests that Domitian did make concessions toward senatorial opinion. Whereas his father and brother had concentrated consular power largely in the hands of the Flavian family, Domitian admitted a surprisingly large amount of provincials and potential opponents to the consulship, allowing them to head the official calendar by opening the year as an ordinary consul.^[123] Whether this was a genuine attempt to reconcile with hostile factions in the Senate cannot be ascertained. By offering the consulship to potential opponents, Domitian may have wanted to compromise these senators in the eyes of their supporters. When their conduct proved unsatisfactory, they were almost invariably brought to trial and exiled or executed, and their property confiscated.^[121]

Both Tacitus and Suetonius speak of escalating persecutions toward the end of Domitian's reign, identifying a point of sharp increase around 93, or sometime after the failed revolt of Saturninus in 89.^[124][125] At least twenty senatorial opponents were executed,^[126] including Domitia Longina's former husband Lucius Aelius Lamia, and three of his own family members, Titus Flavius Sabinus IV, Titus Flavius Clemens and Marcus Arrecinus Clemens.^[127] Some of these men were executed as early as 83 or 85 however, lending little credit to Tacitus' notion of a "reign of terror" late in Domitian's reign. According to Suetonius, some were convicted for corruption or treason, others on trivial charges, which Domitian justified through his suspicion:

Jones compares the executions of Domitian to those under Emperor Claudius (41–55), noting that Claudius executed around 35 senators and 300 equestrians, and yet was still deified by the Senate, and regarded upon as one of the good Emperors in history.^[128] Domitian was apparently unable to gain support among the aristocracy, despite attempts to appease hostile factions with consular appointments. His autocratic style of government accentuated the Senate's loss of power, while his consistency in treating patricians, and even family members, just as any other group in Rome, earned him their contempt.^[128]

Death and succession

Assassination

According to Suetonius, Domitian worshipped Minerva as his protector goddess with superstitious veneration. In a dream, she is said to have abandoned the emperor prior to the assassination.

Domitian was murdered on 18 September 96, in a palace conspiracy organised by court officials.^[129] A highly detailed account of the plot and the assassination is provided by Suetonius, who alleges that Domitian's chamberlain Parthenius was the chief instigator behind the conspiracy, citing the recent execution of Domitian's secretary Epaphroditus as the primary motive.^[130] The murder itself was carried out by a freedman of Parthenius named Maximus, and a steward of Domitian's niece Flavia Domitilla, named Stephanus. The precise involvement of the Praetorian Guard is less clear however. At the time the Guard was commanded by Titus Flavius Norbanus and Titus Petronius Secundus, the latter who almost certainly seems to have been aware of the plot against Domitian.^[131] Cassius Dio, writing nearly a hundred years after the assassination, also includes Domitia Longina among the conspirators, but in light of her well attested devotion to Domitian—even years after her husband had died—her involvement in the plot seems highly unlikely.^[132]

Dio further suggests the assassination was improvised on the spur of a moment.^[133] The account of Suetonius however implies a well organised conspiracy. For some days before the attack took place, Stephanus feigned an injury so as to be able to conceal a dagger beneath his bandages.^[134] On the day of the assassination, the doors to the servants' quarters were locked, while Domitian's personal weapon of last resort, a sword he concealed beneath his pillow, had been disabled in advance.^[134] The emperor believed that, according to an astrological prediction, he would die around noon. Therefore, he was always restless during this time of the day. On his last day, Domitian was feeling disturbed and asked a servant boy several times what time it was. The boy, included in the plot, lied, saying that it was much later.^[135] More at ease, the emperor went to his desk to sign some decrees, where he was suddenly approached by Stephanus:

Domitian and Stephanus continued to wrestle on the ground for some time, until he was finally overpowered and fatally stabbed by the conspirators. Around noon the emperor, just one month short of his 45th birthday, was dead. His body was carried away on a common bier, and unceremoniously cremated by his nurse Phyllis, who later mingled the ashes with those of his niece Julia, at the Flavian temple.^[134] According to Suetonius, a number of omens had foretold Domitian's death.^[105] Several days prior to the assassination, Minerva appeared to him in a dream, announcing she had been disarmed by Jupiter, and would no longer be able to protect him.^[105]

Succession and aftermath

Upon the death of Domitian, Nerva was proclaimed Emperor by the Senate.

The Senate nonetheless rejoiced at the death of Domitian, and immediately following Nerva's accession as Emperor, passed damnatio memoriae on his memory: his coins and statues were melted, his arches were torn down and his name was erased from all public records.^[143][144] Domitian is the only known emperor to have officially received a damnatio memoriae, though others may have received de facto ones. In many instances, existing portraits of Domitian, such as those found on the Cancelleria Reliefs, were simply recarved to fit the likeness of Nerva, which allowed quick production of new images and recycling of previous material.^[145] Yet the order of the Senate was only partially executed in Rome, and wholly disregarded in most of the provinces outside Italy, indicating at least some popular support for Domitian.^[146][147]

According to Suetonius, the people of Rome met the news of Domitian's death with indifference, but the army was much grieved, calling for his deification immediately after the assassination, and in several provinces even rioting.^[143][148] As a compensation measure, the Praetorian guard demanded the execution of Domitian's assassins, which Nerva refused.^[149] Instead he merely dismissed Titus Petronius Secundus, and replaced him with a former commander, Casperius Aelianus.^[150] Dissatisfaction with this state of affairs continued to loom over Nerva's reign, and ultimately erupted into a crisis in October of 97, when members of the Praetorian guard, led by Casperius Aelianus, laid siege to the Imperial Palace and took Nerva hostage.^[151] He was forced to submit to their demands, agreeing to hand over those responsible for Domitian's death and even giving a speech thanking the rebellious Praetorians.^[152] Titus Petronius Secundus and Parthenius were sought out and killed. Nerva was unharmed in this assault, but his authority was damaged beyond repair.^[151] Shortly thereafter he announced the adoption of Trajan as his successor,^[151] and with this decision all but abdicated.^[153][154]

Legacy

Ancient sources

The classic view of Domitian is usually negative, since most of the antique sources were related to the Senatorial or aristocratic class, with which Domitian had a notoriously difficult relation.^[122] Furthermore, contemporary historians such as Pliny the Younger, Tacitus and Suetonius all authored the information on his reign after it had ended, and his memory had been condemned to oblivion. The work of Domitian's court poets, Martial and Statius, constitutes virtually the only literary evidence concurrent with his reign. Perhaps equally unsurprising as the attitude of post-Domitianic historians, the poems of Martial and Statius are highly adulatory, praising Domitian's achievements as equalling those of the Gods.^[155]

The most extensive account of the life of Domitian to survive was written by the historian Suetonius, who was born during the reign of Vespasian, and published his works under Emperor Hadrian (117–138). His De Vita Caesarum is the source of much of what we know of Domitian. Although his text is predominantly negative, it neither exclusively condemns nor praises Domitian, and asserts that his rule started well, but gradually declined into terror.^[125] The biography is problematic however, in that it appears to contradict itself with regards to Domitian's rule and personality, at the same time presenting him as a conscientious, moderate man, and as a decadent libertine.^[19] According to Suetonius, Domitian wholly feigned his interest in arts and literature, and never bothered to acquaint himself with classic authors. Other passages, alluding to Domitian's love of epigrammatic expression, suggest that he wás in fact familiar with classic writers, while he also patronized poets and architects, founded artistic olympics, and personally restored the library of Rome at great expense after it had burned down.^[19]

Suetonius is also the source of several outrageous stories regarding Domitian's marriage. According to him, Domitia Longina was exiled in 83 because of an affair with a famous actor named Paris. When Domitian found out, he allegedly murdered Paris in the street, and promptly divorced his wife, with Suetonius further adding that once Domitia was exiled, Domitian took Julia as his mistress, who later died during a failed abortion.^[156] Modern historians consider this highly implausible however, noting that malicious rumours, such as those concerning Domitia's alleged infidelity, were eagerly repeated by post-Domitianic authors, and used to highlight the hypocrisy of a ruler publicly preaching a return to Augustan morals, while privately indulging in excesses and presiding over a corrupt court.^[157] Nevertheless, the account of Suetonius has dominated imperial historiography for centuries.

Although Tacitus is usually considered to be the most reliable author of this era, his views on Domitian are complicated by the fact that his father-in-law, Gnaeus Julius Agricola, may have been a personal enemy of the Emperor.^[158] In his biographical work Agricola, Tacitus maintains that Agricola was forced into retirement because his triumph over the Caledonians highlighted Domitian's own inadequacy as a military commander. Several modern authors, for instance Dorey, have argued the opposite, that Agricola was in fact a close friend of Domitian, and that Tacitus merely sought to distance his family from the fallen dynasty, once Nerva was in power.^[159][158] Tacitus' major historical works, including The Histories and Agricola's biography, were all written and published under Domitian's successors Nerva (96–98) and Trajan (98–117). Unfortunately, the part of Tacitus' Histories dealing with the reign of the Flavian dynasty is almost entirely lost. His views on Domitian survive through brief comments in its first five books, and the short but highly negative characterisation in Agricola, in which he severely criticises Domitian's military endeavours, and popularized . Nevertheless, Tacitus admits his debt to the Flavians with regard to his own public career.^[160]

Other influential 2nd century authors include Juvenal and Pliny the Younger, the latter whom was a friend of Tacitus, and in 100 delivered his famous Panygericus Traiani before Trajan and the Roman Senate, exalting the new era of restored freedom, while condemning Domitian as a tyrant. Juvenal savagely satirized the Domitianic court in his Satires, depicting the Emperor and his entourage as corrupt, violent and unjust. As a consequence, the anti-Domitianic tradition was already well established by the end of the 2nd century, and by the 3rd century, even expanded upon by early Church historians, who identified Domitian as an early persecutor of Christians.

Modern revisionism

Statue of Domitian in military armour, Vaison-la-Romaine.

Over the course of the 20th century, Domitian's military, administrative and economic policies were re-evaluated. New book length studies were not published until the 1990s however, nearly a hundred years after Stéphane Gsell's Essai sur le règne de l'empereur Domitien (1894). The most important of these was The Emperor Domitian, by Brian W. Jones. In his monograph, Jones concludes that Domitian was a ruthless, but efficient autocrat.^[161] For the majority of his reign, there was no widespread dissatisfaction with the emperor or his rule. His harshness was felt by only a small, but highly vocal minority, who later exaggerated his despotism in favour of the well regarded Nervan-Antonian dynasty which followed.^[161]

Domitian's foreign policy was realistic, rejecting expansionist warfare and negotiating peace at a time when Roman military tradition dictated aggressive conquest. His economic programme, which was rigorously efficient, maintained the Roman currency at a standard it would never again achieve. Persecution of religious minorities finally, such as Jews and Christians, was non-existent.^[161] Domitian's government nonetheless exhibited totalitarian characteristics. As Emperor, he saw himself as the new Augustus, an enlightened despot destined to guide the Roman Empire into a new era of Flavian renaissance.^[69] Religious, military and cultural propaganda fostered a cult of personality. He deified three of his family members, and erected massive structures to commemorate the Flavian achievements. Elaborate triumphs were celebrated in order to boost his image as the warrior-emperor, but many of these were either unearned, or premature.^[84] By nominating himself perpetual censor, he sought to control public and private morals.^[108] He became personally involved in all branches of the government, and successfully prosecuted corruption among public officials. The dark side of his censorial power involved a restriction in freedom of speech, and an increasingly oppressive attitude toward the Roman Senate. He punished libel with exile or death, and due to his suspicious nature, increasingly accepted information from informers to bring false charges of treason if necessary.^[162]

Although contemporary historians vilified Domitian after his death, his administration provided the foundation for the Principate of the peaceful 2nd century. His successors Nerva and Trajan were less restrictive, but in reality their policies differed little from Domitian's. Much more than a gloomy coda to the 1st century, the Roman Empire prospered between 81 and 96, in reign which Theodor Mommsen described as the sombre but intelligent despotism of Domitian.^[163]

Domitian in later arts

Literature